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Technological progress gave birth to a constant stream of new products that were exported: Free trade was on the rise and the exchange of goods and capital surged.

To a certain extent, the planet became a smaller place. Shortly before World War I, 21 percent of all exported industrial products originated from Germany.

The only country that exported more was Britain, with 26 percent. But these dynamic developments ended abruptly with the outbreak of war.

Globalization suddenly came to a standstill, with the process even reversing itself at the end of the s as the Great Depression and the global economic crisis set in.

The important industrialized nations tried to secure their salvation by pursuing protectionist trade policies. In , US Congress increased tariffs on more than 20, imported goods -- and, by doing so, provoked the affected countries to raise levies in retaliation.

Britain abandoned the gold standard to make it easier to devaluate the pound and thus make its goods comparatively inexpensive.

The economic policy at the time was known as beggar-thy-neighbor, which meant trying to fix your own economy by destroying those of countries next door.

Exports also fell dramatically in Germany, with the volume dropping from Industrial production fell by 40 percent, leaving masses of people unemployed.

Trust in the prosperity-generating power of free trade and open markets had been shaken. Culturally, many people felt overwhelmed and social transformation couldn't keep up with technological progress, even though this process had begun decades before.

He says he sees a similar lag today. As a species, classic industrial workers have been perceived as threatened since the s, but it was only recently that left- and right-wing anti-globalization forces started articulating their anger over this loss, says Nolte.

But other analogies to the Weimar Republic years are also emerging. During the most recent election in the city of Berlin in September, the center-left Social Democratic Party SPD got only 22 percent of the vote, with six parties entering into the city-state parliament, including a strong left wing with the Left Party at close to 16 percent and right wing with the AfD at 14 percent.

Erosion of the strength of the country's traditional mainstream parties, the SPD and the conservative Christian Democrats CDU , combined with the rise of third parties is evocative of Germany in the s.

Then as now, distrust of institutions grew, including democratically elected bodies and their representatives. Then as now, there was a growing sense of longing for security and a self-sufficient economy.

Then as now, companies, particularly big ones, faced criticism because they appeared to put profits above all else, including the interests of workers or the places where the companies were located.

Americans, meanwhile, began criticizing the power held by large corporations at the end of the 19th century -- the so-called trusts in the oil, steel and railway industries in the United States.

The robber barons -- the Rockefellers, the Vanderbilts or the Carnegies -- controlled markets seemingly at will and built up true empires.

It took broad public protest before the US took action to limit these companies. The anti-trust laws created at the time are still applied today when, for example, the Federal Trade Commission investigates a company like Google over potential abuse of its market power, as it is currently doing.

Similar efforts are needed again today, but on a global scale. The global economy can only recover if we succeed in pushing back against financial speculation and limiting the power of corporations.

Of paramount importance, however, is regaining the trust of the people. The burdens need to be distributed more fairly.

At the most recent G meeting, Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, a former banker at Goldman-Sachs of all people, warned of the need to "civilize capitalism.

That, argues Berlin economist Enderlein, is the third phase of the current era of globalization. The first lasted until and marked years of unbridled growth.

Then came the second phase, the years of the financial and euro crises. Taxpayers assumed the lion's share of the costs and burdens, and the elites got away relatively unscathed.

So now we've reached phase three: It's time to reshape globalization. If we do see the kind of reverse in globalization that many fear following Donald Trump's election , Germany stands to be a major loser.

Phase three starts at home, in each individual country. Well-conceived tax and transfer systems can hinder further growth in the gap between rich and poor.

Going by the Gini coefficient, average incomes in Germany are almost at the same level as those in the United States -- at least before taxes, social transfers and pension payments are made.

But this type of concentration is also on the rise in more traditional industries as well. Fueled with cheap money provided by central banks, companies are acquiring their competitors to become larger and more powerful.

That creates pressure for other competitors to merge as well. Without the Monsanto deal, Baumann says, Bayer will no longer be competitive.

One person involved in the deal is set to win big: But is the acquisition beneficial to consumers? If things go according to plan, there will only be four dominant companies left in the world selling seeds and pesticides to farmers.

Their research and the prices they charge will determine how well and how affordably the global population is able to feed itself in the future.

The growing concentration of companies weakens competition and harms consumers while at the same time increasing their leverage against the state.

It makes governments more susceptible to extortion when it comes to creating jobs or moving them out of a country -- and on questions of taxation.

At the same time, these companies seem incapable of finding productive things to do with the money they earn through the globalized economy.

Why else would they stash their money or use it to buy back their own shares which drives up share prices, thus helping the wealthy instead of investing it?

That's also an indicator that competition isn't working properly in this digital and global age. The growing gap between rich and poor, an unbridled monetary and financial industry, overly powerful corporations that are escaping national controls and shirking tax obligations: Against this backdrop, many people have lost faith in the idea that deregulated markets lead to broad prosperity.

Instead they're turning back to the notion of borders and regulations -- and, from a variety of different positions, a countermovement against globalization is taking shape.

On one side, critics from the left have gathered. Tens of thousands took to the streets in large cities across Germany to protest the trade agreements in mid-September and 12, Germans signed their names to a complaint submitted to Germany's Constitutional Court.

But the court declined to issue a preliminary injunction stopping the German government from signing the treaty. What does unite protestors, however, is their lack of blind faith in the idea that free trade is always beneficial to all people at all times.

They also fear that national laws and regulations will be sacrificed in ways that benefit a small number of companies. The fact that negotiations take place behind closed doors and even members of parliament aren't provided with details serves to reinforce that mistrust.

The information that has been leaked to the public has only further exacerbated those concerns. Still, it is unlikely that opposition to TTIP and CETA would have become so strong were it not for the significant loss of trust in globalization in recent years.

Now the anti-globalization movement is getting support from an altogether different camp. Under President Trump, there is little chance TTIP will be implemented because free trade and globalization are also favorite bogeymen on the right wing of the political spectrum.

In Germany, for example, supporters of the right-wing populist Alternative for Germany AfD party, the anti-Muslim Pegida movement and other groups also joined the anti-TTIP and CETA protests, with their anger focused largely on immigrants, the European common currency and open borders, regardless whether for people or goods.

Enderlein says a new political map is emerging, one that doesn't fit into the clean left-right model of the past. The new dividing line is between those who support and those who oppose an open society.

Breakfast is good and abundant and all meals were freshly prepared. They also have a in-house Steak restaurant that was very good, they offer high quality meat.

Not enough parking spots. Right on the main road. Next to a great restaurant Auerhahn. More staff with a welcoming attitude. On arrival we had to go looking for someone to check us in.

We found a very rude young man who gave off the vibe he had much more important things to do. We got the same guy in the morning at check out, which was an even less positive experience.

The rooms are very modern and confortable. There's no parking at the hotel so it's a bit of a hassle with the ski equipment.

The shower isn't very big and there's no entrance lock on the door chain eg so the cleaning staff can enter anytime. Good place to stay for a few days.

Clean and a good bed, breakfast was good and staff friendly. I stayed at single room. It was tiny, felt like a prison cell.

No space, no balcony, no fridge, no tea pot, no wifi It cost me more than EUR for 3 days. This is unreasonable high for what I got.

Good location - close to the train station and ski bus. Great town in beautiful valley. Car park was located little bit too far from the hotel aprox.

Very friendly staff, good breakfast and great location. It would be nice to have a small fridge in the room and extend sauna opening hours to 10pm.

Beautiful and cosy hotel, relaxing atmosphere. Desserts could be bigger ;. Everyone was very friendly, in a good mood and helpful.

The room was very cold for the 3 days we staied. Please enter a valid email address. An error has occurred. Your welcome email will arrive in your inbox soon.

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Lieblingsplatz, mein Tirolerhof Reserve now. Traveler photo of Zell am Ziller. Next to a great restaurant Auerhahn Tim, Netherlands. Very friendly staff, good breakfast and great location Lilja, Germany.

Clean and a good bed, breakfast was good and staff friendly Anonymous, Czech Republic. Het personeel super vriendelijk en het ontbijt was super Lindy, Netherlands.

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Now the anti-globalization movement is getting support from an altogether different camp. Under President Trump, there is little chance TTIP will be implemented because free trade and globalization are also favorite bogeymen on the right wing of the political spectrum.

In Germany, for example, supporters of the right-wing populist Alternative for Germany AfD party, the anti-Muslim Pegida movement and other groups also joined the anti-TTIP and CETA protests, with their anger focused largely on immigrants, the European common currency and open borders, regardless whether for people or goods.

Enderlein says a new political map is emerging, one that doesn't fit into the clean left-right model of the past.

The new dividing line is between those who support and those who oppose an open society. Those skeptical of an open society in both camps are connected by their diffuse fear of being left behind.

They have found common ground in their opposition to globalization. For years in Germany, the new nationalists had difficulty gaining traction.

Indeed, it was only after Chancellor Merkel welcomed asylum-seekers during the refugee crisis that they started to generate considerable support.

On the right wing of the political spectrum, it's the AfD, which has leveraged its anti-foreigner and anti-free trade rhetoric to seats in 10 state parliaments.

On the left wing, there is really only one politician playing the role of populist: Sahra Wagenknecht, parliamentary floor leader for the Left Party, a far-left group that is comprised of the successor party to the East German Communist Party and West German leftists.

Wagenknecht is the charismatic and highly articulate figurehead of the far-left movement. At the end of September, she could be seen scurrying across the floor of the German parliament, her coat aflutter.

She was running late for the presentation of her latest book. Wagenknecht handed her handbag to the driver and sank into the backseat of a luxury sedan with wood veneer and TV screens.

She was quick to point out that her East German Wartburg was in the shop, which is why she was forced to ride in such a vehicle.

The politician emphasized that she was no caviar socialist who preaches water but drinks wine. Politically, she remains very far to the left, but Wagenknecht has also managed to pepper her positions with the kind of populist ingredients currently in vogue across Europe.

She opposes the common currency, Europe's political union and uncontrolled immigration. In Wagenknecht's mind, the European principle of freedom of movement is an elite project.

Central Banks Open the Spigots Part 3: The Growing Threat of Monopolies Part 5: Discuss this issue with other readers! Show all comments Page 1.

I take issue with how you assume globalisation and free trade go hand-in-hand. Countries with high growth rates, e.

Their import tariffs are higher, especially in [ Their import tariffs are higher, especially in sectors where they perceive growth opportunities.

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Availability We Price Match. When would you like to stay at Lieblingsplatz, mein Tirolerhof? Reservations longer than 30 nights are not possible.

Enter your dates to check availability. Your departure date is invalid. Single Room 1 twin bed. Select everything you want to know more about.

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Thanks for your response. Double Room 1 full bed. Deluxe Double Room 1 queen bed. Double Room with Balcony 1 queen bed. Just booked in Zell am Ziller: See availability Hotel surroundings — Great location - show map Guests loved walking around the neighborhood!

Closest Landmarks Achterbahn I. Natural Beauty Zillertalarena Ski lift. Closest Airports Kranebitten Airport. Most Popular Landmarks Krimml Waterfalls.

Are you missing any information about this area? Why book with us? Ski Ski pass vendor Ski school additional charge Ski storage.

Pets Pets are allowed. Cleaning Services Daily housekeeping Shoeshine Laundry additional charge. Languages Spoken English German. What topic s do you want to know more about?

Hairdryer Bathroom features shower, bathtub, etc. Policies Pet policies Cancellation policies Couples policies are unmarried individuals allowed?

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See availability House Rules Lieblingsplatz, mein Tirolerhof takes special requests — add in the next step! Can use a crib when requested.

No extra beds are available. Cards accepted at this hotel Debit card Lieblingsplatz, mein Tirolerhof accepts these cards and reserves the right to temporarily hold an amount prior to arrival.

See availability The Fine Print. Please note that you need to let the property know in case you plan to arrive with a dog a surcharge applies.

Please also note that dogs are not allowed at the restaurant. Please note that when booking more than 4 units, different policies and additional supplements may apply.

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Next to a great restaurant Auerhahn Stayed in September More staff with a welcoming attitude Stayed in June Stayed in April Clean and a good bed, breakfast was good and staff friendly Stayed in March Stayed in December Stayed in August

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